The World Values Survey is an international research project investigating the core values, beliefs, and attitudes of people in different regions of the world on many different topics, aiming to highlight how they compare, evolve, or change. The survey has been conducted since 1981, typically in six-year waves (as with the present study) using the same comprehensive questionnaire in dozens of countries and administered with a strictly defined methodology. This process produces a remarkable wealth of data that also expands over time. Consequently, the survey is particularly popular among academics and policymakers seeking an accurate picture of a series of timely and significant issues, as well as more broadly among participants in the public sphere.
Greece has taken part in the WVS since the previous, seventh wave, which lasted from 2017 to 2022. The Greek participation—the survey conducted in 2017 and published in 2018—was carried out by diaNEOsis in close cooperation with the National Centre for Social Research (EKKE). It produced many interesting findings that were extensively discussed in public and among experts.
Below we present the results of the subsequent eighth wave, the second WVS national survey in Greece. The research was again conducted by diaNEOsis in collaboration with EKKE. Sokratis Koniordos, Professor of Sociology at the University of the Peloponnese, was responsible for the questionnaire design and research oversight in close collaboration with Vasiliki Georgiadou, Professor of Political Science at Panteion University and President of EKKE, who contributed significantly to the scientific coordination of the study. Sampling, quality control, and fieldwork were conducted by MRB Hellas with data collected from 1,200 individuals via face-to-face household interviews (CAPI) and online panel interviews (CAWI/CINT) between March 17 and April 2, 2025.
This publication of the results marks the beginning of a series of analyses. The goal is not only to interpret the vast amount of data from the Greek national survey but also to situate Greece within the global landscape of values and opinions alongside other participating countries. As those results are published, our analyses will explore how Greece compares with other cultures on a range of significant and timely issues.
WORLD VALUES SURVEY 2025 – SUMMARY OF RESULTS (IN GREEK)
[For ease of reading, at the end of every paragraph you will see the question numbers referred to in that paragraph. The question numbers correspond to the numbering of the Greek results file.]
Political participation and institutions
At various points, the survey shows increased interest in politics compared to the previous wave of the World Values Survey. 6 out of 10 respondents now say that politics is very or somewhat important to them, about double the proportion recorded in 2017. The same finding is confirmed by a similar question about personal interest in politics. When asked in this more direct way, the proportion saying they are very or somewhat interested drops by about 10 percentage points—but remains high. This increased interest is not uniform across all demographic groups. For example, respondents living in cities show significantly greater interest than those living in rural areas (55.6% vs. 31.1%). [Q1, Q48]
However, politics encompasses various dimensions, and the World Values Survey explores many of them. One of the most critical is certainly political participation; on this front, the survey provides data that are useful but also concerning. A significant majority (59.3%) say they feel excluded from the political system in Greece, stating specifically that the system allows people like them little or no say in what the government does. Notably, in Northern Greece and Thessaloniki, this sense of disillusionment is more than 10 points higher than the national average. Perhaps unexpectedly, these rates do not vary much by education level: people with primary, secondary, and higher education are nearly as likely to feel excluded. [Q55]
At the same time, 64.5% feel quite, very, or completely confident about their ability to participate in politics, a percentage similar to those who report feeling excluded. This sense of exclusion is therefore not accompanied by a general feeling of insecurity among citizens about their own capacity to participate. [Q56]
Of course, in democracies, the most obvious manifestation of political participation is voting in elections. A very large percentage of the Greek population, 92%, say that they always or usually vote in both national and local elections. However, it is easy to observe that this percentage is far from official turnout rates reported for elections—the rate was 53% in the national elections of June 2023—even if one generously takes into account possible inaccuracies in the voter rolls. [Q52]
How do citizens decide at the ballot box? When asked, slightly more than half (53.1%) say they make their choice because of party identification. Nearly all the remainder—and that is not a small number, about 4 in 10—say they opt for a party because they dislike the alternatives. [Q53]
The survey also indicates a small but unexpectedly strong concern about electoral integrity—especially considering that no major election results in Greece have been challenged since 1974 in any serious or documented way. Despite this, 30.9% of respondents say that votes in elections are seldom or never counted fairly. In other words, nearly 1 in 3 believe that the actual election result may sometimes differ from those announced. [Q54]
This finding likely reflects a broader climate of distrust, which was also evident in the 2017 wave. Respondents express low satisfaction with the political system in Greece, providing an average rating of 4.2 out of 10 (where 10 = complete satisfaction). Similarly, they clearly believe that there is corruption in Greece, with an average rating of 8.1 out of 10 (where 10 = a lot of corruption). Moreover, they consider it unlikely that someone will be punished for bribery, corruption, or unjust favoritism (the average rating is 4.2 out of 10, where 10 = very likely). Finally, perceptions of how democratically Greece is governed are rather moderate, with an average of 5.6, a marginal increase from 5.4 in 2017 (where 10 = completely democratic). [Q58, Q28, Q29, Q66]
This distrust and concern among a significant portion of the population may not represent a wholesale rejection of democracy. Citizens clearly recognize the importance of living in a democratically governed country, rating it on average 8.8 out of 10 (10 = extremely important). Furthermore, 9 out of 10 say that democracy is a very good or relatively good way of governing. However, there is some cause for concern in the age-specific data. The approval rate among younger respondents (18–35 years old) is noticeably lower than the general population, at around 83%. And even the general population figure is already 7 points lower than in 2017. Taken together, this means today's young people are around 14 points less likely to consider democracy a good way of governing compared to the total population in 2017. [Q65, Q60]
In contrast, all other statements in the same question show a higher rate of agreement. Citizens appear more likely than they were eight years ago to view the following options positively: “Having a strong leader who is not subject to control from Parliament or elections” (at 17.7%, +8.7 points); “Having a military government” (14.5%, +8.7 points); and “Having technocrats, not government, make decisions according to what they think is best for the country” (25.5%, +5.4 points). [Q60]
Of course, a democracy is not simply the elected government but a network of institutions, both national and international, each with its own distinctive characteristics. Questions exploring trust in institutions are common in surveys such as the World Values Survey and often yield interesting results. In this wave, the institutions that command the highest levels of trust remain similar to the 2017 wave as well as to similar surveys. At the top of the list are the military, universities, and the Church. They are followed by two less expected findings: environmental organizations rank fourth, and the European Union ranks fifth. The lowest rankings were given to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), political parties, television, the World Bank (though 5.4% say they do not know what it is) and the Press. Compared to the results of 2017, there are significant decreases in trust toward the military, universities, the Church, the police, the courts, and public administration. [Q14]
Conversely, several institutions show an increase. The most striking rise concerns the European Union (+25 points), which likely reflects a recovery from the crisis of the previous decade that was still unfolding in 2017. Other increases could also be attributed to the circumstances of the crisis: despite remaining low, trust in the IMF increased by 13.7 points, Parliament by 15.1 points, the government by 15 points, political parties by 12.9 points, and the Press by 13.6 points. Interestingly, most international institutions, aside from the familiar IMF and EU, also increased their scores: the World Bank (+13.2 points), NATO (+8.4 points), the World Trade Organization (+6.3 points, although 1 in 20 say they do not know it) and the United Nations (+5.5 points). Similarly, the World Health Organization (WHO), which played a leading role in the context of the pandemic, maintained a trust rating just over 47%.
The notable and broad increase in trust toward international organizations possibly reflects a growing awareness in Greece that future challenges, such as climate change or artificial intelligence, require management that transcends national borders. As in the results of the diaNEOsis survey What Greeks Believe – 2024, these major trends are a source of concern for Greeks. Around 1 in 3 respondents say they are pessimistic about the effects of Artificial Intelligence (“It is bad for humanity”). When asked to rate their sense of personal responsibility toward climate change, the average score was 6.4 out of 10 (where 10 = “I feel a very great personal responsibility to limit climate change”), indicating that Greeks feel a significant degree of individual accountability for the issue. [Q35, Q37]
This increased trust in international organizations may also reflect indirect endorsement of their more technocratic and politically neutral profile. Elsewhere in the survey, 7 out of 10 agree that “public policies should follow scientific data, not political preferences”—a sentiment that remains consistent across all population groups without differentiation according to gender, age, education level, etc. Of course, attributing the rise in trust to this specific factor requires investigation that goes beyond the scope of this summary. [Q63]
The survey also includes several ideological questions. Early in the survey, participants are asked to choose between three statements describing attitudes towards the society in which we live and whether and how it should change. A narrow majority (55%) agree that “our society should gradually improve through reforms,” while 24.7% respectively call for “revolutionary action” and 18.2% favor defending society against “all subversive forces.” While the majority is in favor of change through reforms, this support has declined significantly by 7.8 percentage points since 2017. Conversely, the other two options have gained ground: revolutionary action rose by 8.4 points, and the defensive stance increased by 2.1 points. [Q6]
Finally, regarding ideological self-identification on the Left–Right axis, there have been no significant shifts since 2017, despite changes in government during this period. Most citizens place themselves slightly to the left or slightly to the right of the Center. Notably, however, the percentage of those declining to answer this question has increased tenfold in eight years, from 1.2% in 2017 to 11.2% in 2025, suggesting a possible rejection of the traditional Left–Right spectrum. [Q57]
Satisfaction, control, and trust
Beyond politics and its various dimensions, how does the Greek population feel about their lives? Do citizens feel they have the agency to shape their own futures? Do they report being satisfied and happy? Do they trust others?
It is noteworthy that despite widespread disillusionment with politics, a significant majority (7 out of 10) say they feel very or fairly happy—a percentage similar to the 2017 results. An even larger share of the population (76.6%) describes their health as good or very good. Furthermore, 84.3% of respondents say they are satisfied or somewhat satisfied with their family life, giving it a rating of 6 out of 10 or higher. Within this group, 7 out of 10 rate their family life an 8 or above. Finally, around 8 out of 10 (82.7%) state that they often or sometimes reflect on the meaning of life. [Q8, Q9, Q11, Q44]
Do people feel in control of their lives? Question 10 explores “self-efficacy”—a popular concept among social scientists that refers to the degree to which individuals believe they have freedom of choice and control over their lives, as opposed to believing that their actions have little impact on their circumstances. Everyday life is complex, encompassing both circumstances within our control and those beyond it. One’s position on this spectrum is often linked to behaviors, decisions, and emotional states; indeed, many studies suggest that a greater feeling of control over life correlates with positive social, economic, and professional outcomes, as well as better mental health. From this perspective, it is significant that the Greek population, on average, rates their perceived level of control at 6.8 out of 10 (where 10 = a great deal of choice). This is a notable increase from the score of 6 recorded in 2017. Despite major external crises that emerged after 2017, such as the pandemic and cost-of-living crisis, Greeks clearly view themselves as having a significant degree of agency over their lives. [Q10]
Another finding of the previous wave of the World Values Survey, as well as other surveys such as the Eurobarometer and What Greeks Believe, is the low level of trust not only toward institutions but toward other people in general. A rich body of literature links low social trust to negative outcomes such as reduced political participation and weaker economic indicators. Comparisons between countries based on previous WVS waves have highlighted the extent to which social trust in Greece diverges from other European countries.
In the new WVS wave, the percentage of people who agree with the view that “most people are trustworthy” is 14.2%, an increase of about 6 points since 2017. This is consistent with the 12.8% recorded in What Greeks Believe – 2024 in the same question about a year earlier. However, the regional disparities in the answers to this question are striking. Indicatively, trust in other people is significantly higher in the Attica Region (21.2%) than the national average, whereas in Thessaloniki and Northern Greece the same indicator drops to 7.6% and 5.5%, respectively. This pattern is also reflected in the difference between urban and rural areas. In cities, trust in other people is more than three times higher than the corresponding percentage in rural areas (16.9% vs. 5.3%). [Q12]
Growth, cost of living, and economic values
The economy remains a central theme of the research—both as a personal concern (e.g. price increases), and as a set of values that influence behavior. These findings offer food for thought, and when the current wave is completed in all participating countries, they will provide a basis for detailed comparisons between the countries and regions of the world.
Eight years after the previous wave, economic growth remains the country's most frequently cited priority for the next decade, mentioned in 76.3% of all responses (respondents could choose two options). The second most frequently mentioned goal also concerns economic activity: 53.3% referred to “citizens having greater control over what happens in their workplaces and communities.” The third priority concerns security, with 42% stating the country should have strong armed forces. Notably, the least mentioned goal relates to the environment: “making our cities and countryside more attractive” (25.6%). [Q17]
It is instructive to read the answers in combination with Question 38 that poses the dilemma between environmental protection and economic development. Interestingly, a majority of respondents (57.2%) say that protecting the environment should be a priority “even if it slows the pace of economic growth or costs jobs.” [Q38]
Cost of living is another acute concern that emerges from the findings. When presented with a broad list of options, nearly 8 out of 10 respondents (77.4%) identified the fight against price increases as the most pressing issue. This preference for economic activism is further reflected in a subsequent question where a significant majority say they would participate, or have already participated, in a boycott (an action that may not be driven solely by economic motivations, e.g. protesting products of a country involved in wars). [Q18, Q51]
The survey presents a series of dilemmas regarding economic perceptions and behaviors. On the spectrum between income equality and individual incentives as competing social priorities, the Greek population sits nearly in the middle of the spectrum (average 5.2 out of 10). Similarly, they again place themselves in the middle when asked to choose between private ownership (1) and state ownership of businesses and industries (10)—with an average of 5.3, there is a noticeable shift towards the preference for state ownership since 2017 when the corresponding average was 4.7. A similar but more pronounced preference for state intervention appears when respondents are asked to choose between “government responsibility to take care of everyone” (1) or “individual responsibility” (10), as the average at 3.7 is clearly leaning toward state-provided care. Finally, when asked whether hard work (1) or luck and connections (10) lead to a better life, the result is again near the center (average 5.4), but slightly towards the side of luck and connections. [Q23, Q24, Q25, Q27]
Security and conflict
The development of a strong military, as noted previously, is ranked somewhat lower as a long-term priority—a finding somewhat at odds with the public debate and initiatives in Europe under development for some time. Nevertheless, concern about armed conflict is present. Question 20 asks respondents to rate how much they are worried about a range of relatively rare threats. As might be expected, over 50% are worried about robbery, violence, physical assault, or sexual harassment. The percentage of those worried about rarer events is strikingly high: 56.2% are quite or very worried about a pandemic or natural disaster, 1 in 2 is worried about a terrorist attack (49.9%) or war (48.6%), while about 1 in 3 (33.9%) say they are worried about civil war. [Q20]
Next, the survey asks whether participants would be willing to fight for Greece in the event of a hypothetical war. While those unwilling to fight represent a minority, at 27.3% they are by no means insignificant. Notably, in the Attica Region, this percentage is significantly higher, reaching 36.5%. [Q21]
Gender equality
How much say do women have in family planning? What are the barriers to their education and employment? What are the prevailing attitudes toward violence and sexual harassment? The World Values Survey has consistently devoted significant attention to exploring the perceptions, opinions, and stereotypes related to gender equality. Through a combination of direct prompts and indirect indicators—alongside gender-based discrepancies found throughout the survey—the research provides a particularly clear picture of the position of women in Greece today.
Regarding family and reproductive issues, Q47 offers an interesting perspective. It presents eight statements corresponding to positive or negative views on women’s roles in family planning and asks respondents to indicate their level of agreement. These include prompts such as: “Women should have access to safe abortion services to terminate an unwanted pregnancy” or “It is important for girls to continue school even if they become pregnant and have children.” The distribution of these responses is illustrated in the graph below. [Q47]
However, it is also instructive to observe how men and women respond differently to these questions. There is almost no difference regarding the statement that “girls and women should decide themselves when, if, and with whom they marry.” Similarly, differences are negligible regarding the view that “sex education helps young people make responsible decisions” (a 1–point difference) or that “contraceptives should be available to everyone, regardless of family situation and age” (2.4 points). A notable divide emerges in other areas, for example, men are much more likely (by 14.8 points) to say that “a man with a girlfriend or wife should know where she is at all times.”
Many questions also address equal access to education and employment. Results from Q4 reveal a regressive trend: while still a minority, the percentage of those who agree that “university education is more important for a boy than a girl” has doubled since the 2017 wave, rising from 8% to 16%. Notably, even among participants with higher education in 2025, agreement with this view (10.7%) is higher than the percentage recorded for the general population in 2017. [Q4]
Conversely, attitudes toward women in the workforce appear to be trending toward equality. For example, the view that “men should have priority when jobs are scarce” stands at 27.2%, a decrease of about 10 points since 2017 but still significant, representing more than 1 in 4 respondents. Sharp gender divides remain in many of these responses: over 85% of women disagree that men make better business executives (87.1%) or political leaders (85%) than women, compared to a much narrower majority of men (68.3% and 61.7% respectively). [Q5, Q4]
Finally, it is worth noting that 6.2% of men say they are inactive members of a voluntary group or association for women’s rights. This is a low percentage, but not far from the 9.7% of women who say the same. Of course, as might be expected, women are several times more likely than men to say they are active members (6.1% vs. 0.3%). [Q15]
Social stereotypes and religion
The survey includes a well-designed section where participants evaluate 16 actions that are often stereotyped or polarizing in many societies around the world, or which may variously be considered illegal, reprehensible, significant, or trivial. Greek society appears, on average, clearly supportive of premarital sex (average score of 8 out of 10), divorce (7.4), homosexuality (6.4), and abortion (6.3). Notably, acceptance of homosexuality and abortion has increased significantly since 2017. The remaining actions all received average scores below 5, indicating they are generally viewed as unjustifiable: euthanasia (3.9), the death penalty (3.2), suicide (3.1), fare evasion on public transport (2.9), claiming government benefits to which one is not entitled (2.8), tax evasion (2.5), accepting bribes (2.1), theft of property (1.7), political violence (1.7), violence against others (1.7), parents beating their children (1.6), and a man beating his wife (1.5). [Q45]
It is worth paying closer attention to the shift in attitudes toward homosexuality and broader gender identity issues, particularly in comparison with the data from 2017. The very pronounced softening of attitudes towards homosexuality is also visible in other responses. For example, 1 in 3 stated in 2017 they would not want homosexuals as neighbors, while in 2025 the same question shows this percentage is reduced by more than 14 percentage points. While 19.2% would still not want homosexuals as neighbors, the percentage is considerably lower in the Attica Region (13.4%), among those with higher education (12%), and those who place themselves at the center of the political spectrum (11.7%). Furthermore, a significant majority (75%) agree that “people who dress, behave, or identify with a gender different from the one assigned at birth should be treated like everyone else.” [Q3, Q47]
At the same time, the survey devotes considerable space to the population’s relationship with religion. Participants rate the importance of God in their lives at an average of 7 out of 10, down from an average of 8.1 in 2017. About 4 out of 10 state that they go to church only on special religious holidays, 2 out of 10 say that they go once a month, while almost 1 in 10 answers “never or almost never”. A small but clear majority of respondents (54.6%) say they pray on a regular basis, at least once a week, regardless of the holidays or ceremonies they attend. [Q39, Q41, Q42]
As seen from this selection of results of the World Values Survey in Greece, the data is rich and multifaceted. Each question or thematic cluster provides a foundation for diverse interpretations and hypotheses. This publication represents only the first step in a series of more focused analyses to follow. The goal is not only to interpret the large volume of data produced by the eighth wave in Greece, but also, as the research extends to other countries, to locate Greece within the global map of social and individual values as accurately and as thoroughly as the evidence allows.
WORLD VALUES SURVEY 2025 – SUMMARY OF RESULTS (IN GREEK)
WORLD VALUES SURVEY 2025 – RESULTS (.PDF IN GREEK)